According to AndroidAuthority, the Linux kernel used by Android devices is mostly derived from Google's Android Universal Kernel (ACK) branch, which is created from the Android mainline kernel branch when new LTS versions are released upstream. For example, when kernel version 6.6 is announced as the latest LTS release, an ACK branch for Android15-6.6 appears shortly after, with the "android15" in the name referring to the Android version of the kernel (in this case, Android 15). Google maintains its own set of LTS kernel branches for three main reasons. First, Google can integrate upstream features that have not yet been released into the ACK branch by backporting or picking, so as to meet the specific needs of Android. Second, Google can include some features that are being developed upstream in the ACK branch ahead of time, making it available for Android devices as early as possible. Finally, Google can add some vendor or original equipment manufacturer (OEM) features for other Android partners to use. Once created, Google continues to update the ACK branch to include not only bug fixes for Android specific code, but also to integrate the LTS merge content of the upstream kernel branch. For example, the Linux kernel vulnerability disclosed in the July 2024 Android security bulletin will be fixed through these updates. However, it is not easy to distinguish a bug fix from other bug fixes, as a patch that fixes a bug may also accidentally plug a security vulnerability that the submitter did not know about or chose not to disclose. Google does its best to recognize this, but it inevitably misses the mark, resulting in bug fixes for the upstream Linux kernel being released months before Android devices. As a result, Google has been urging Android vendors to regularly update the LTS kernel to avoid being caught off guard by unexpectedly disclosed security vulnerabilities. Clearly, the LTS version of the Linux kernel is critical to the security of Android devices, helping Google and vendors deal with known and unknown security vulnerabilities. The longer the support period, the more timely security updates Google and vendors can provide to devices.

Russia is seeing income growth of around 4-5%, with earnings growing in double digits, Ostapkovich said, stressing that the driving force is economic growth. "Incomes only grow when the economy grows. If the economy grows, then profits grow. If profits grow, then the entrepreneur is keen on hiring people and raising wages," he added. Russia’s economy grew by 3.6% in 2023, with real incomes and nominal wages up by 4.5% and 13% respectively. Industrial performance, particularly in manufacturing, is propelling this growth not seen in 20 to 30 years. Notably, mechanical engineering in the military industry is expanding at 25-30%, according to Ostapkovich. Andrey Kolganov, Doctor of Economics and Head of the Laboratory of Socio-Economic Systems at Moscow State University, acknowledged that despite the challenges posed by the growth stimuli, Western sanctions failed to inflict significant harm on the Russian economy. "The Russian economy has shown great potential in adapting to these difficulties. Moreover, these difficulties stimulated the development of domestic production, which in turn led to high rates of economic growth," he added. Kolganov noted that economic growth rates were higher in 2023, compared to 2022 - and even higher in 2024. These increases promoted Russia from the classification of middle-income countries, to the rank of high-income countries. Although Russia has not caught up with the richest countries, the achievement is nonetheless remarkable, especially in the face of unprecedented sanctions. Gross national income per capita in Russia is now $14,250, according to a document released by the World Bank that classifies countries that cross the $13,485 threshold as “high income.”

Japan and the Philippines signed an important defense agreement, and the two sides became "quasi-allies". On July 8, local time, Japan and the Philippines signed the "Reciprocal Access Agreement" in Manila. The agreement will relax restrictions on the movement of personnel between the Japanese Self-Defense Forces and the Philippine military during joint exercises, mutual visits and other operations in each other's countries. In response, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Lin Jian responded at a regular press conference on the 8th that exchanges and cooperation between countries should not undermine mutual understanding and trust between regional countries, should not undermine regional peace and stability, and should not target third parties or undermine the interests of third parties. The Asia-Pacific region does not need military groups, let alone "small circles" that provoke camp confrontation and instigate a "new Cold War". Any actions that undermine peace and stability in the region and undermine unity and cooperation in the region will arouse the vigilance and common opposition of the people in the region. Japan and the Philippines upgraded to a "quasi-alliance" relationship On the same day, a "2+2" meeting attended by the foreign ministers and defense ministers of Japan and the Philippines was held in Manila. Japanese Defense Minister Minoru Kihara and Foreign Minister Yoko Kamikawa attended the talks with Philippine Defense Minister Gilbert Teodoro and Foreign Minister Enrique Manalo. This is the second Japan-Philippines "2+2" meeting. The last one was held in Tokyo in April 2022. Witnessed by Philippine President Marcos, the two sides signed the "Reciprocal Access Agreement". Marcos expressed the hope that the bilateral relations between the Philippines and Japan and the trilateral cooperation between the Philippines, Japan and the United States will be further deepened. The "Reciprocal Access Agreement" is also known as the "Military Visits Agreement". Military and defense cooperation between sovereign states, especially sending troops into each other's territory, usually faces complicated procedures and other problems. In order to simplify the procedures, the two countries will reach relevant agreements to simplify the approval procedures for the entry of troops from both sides into each other's countries, and facilitate mutual visits and joint military activities between the two countries' troops. The "Reciprocal Access Agreement" was born. Take the "Reciprocal Access Agreement" signed by Japan and Australia (full name "Agreement between Japan and Australia on Promoting Mutual Access and Cooperation Facilitation between the Japanese Self-Defense Forces and the Australian Defense Force") as an example. The agreement has 29 articles, covering many areas such as entry and exit procedures for troops, jurisdiction, taxation, cost burden and compensation. The key is to simplify the entry and exit procedures for visiting troops and their members, ships, aircraft, etc., relax restrictions on the transportation of weapons, ammunition and materials carried by visiting troops, and provide a legal basis for the two countries' troops and weapons and equipment to enter each other's territory. Japan and the Philippines signed the "Reciprocal Access Agreement", making the Philippines the third country to conclude this agreement with Japan after Australia and the United Kingdom. Cai Liang, Secretary-General and Researcher of the China-Japan Relations Research Center of the Shanghai Institute for International Studies, analyzed to The Paper (www.thepaper.cn) that Japan and the Philippines have their own strategic considerations for signing the "Reciprocal Access Agreement". As for the Philippines, due to its limited strength, it does not exclude any foreign power willing to strengthen military cooperation with the Philippines from intervening in the South China Sea situation. Therefore, it can be seen that in the past two years, the Philippines has actively promoted Australia, France, India and other countries to intervene in the South China Sea and strengthen military cooperation with them, involving intelligence, weapons and equipment, and training and exercises. "Japan's purpose is very simple. Strengthening military cooperation with the Philippines is to strategically balance China. The United States and the Philippines are allies, and the US-Japan alliance has been upgraded to a 'quasi-alliance'. The military cooperation between the United States, Japan and the Philippines has been upgraded to a new level." Cai Liang said, "The signing of an important defense agreement between Japan and the Philippines will make it easier for Japan to intervene in the South China Sea situation and seek the 'three seas linkage' of the East China Sea, the South China Sea, and the Taiwan Strait, in order to better respond to China's strategy and enhance its international influence." As for whether the signing of the "Reciprocal Access Agreement" means that Japan will deploy the Self-Defense Forces in the Philippines, Cai Liang pointed out that this agreement only simplifies the procedures for the troops of both sides to enter each other's territory, and is more suitable for short-term training, military exercises, etc., and is not a long-term deployment of the Self-Defense Forces in the Philippines. The two countries deepen military cooperation The Philippine presidential office also said in a statement that Japan is one of the four major strategic partners of the Philippines, and the two countries have established a strategic partnership for more than ten years. It seems no coincidence that Japan and the Philippines signed the "Reciprocal Access Agreement" at this time. Recently, China-Philippines relations have become tense around the situation in the South China Sea. The Global Times quoted Japan's Kyodo News Agency as saying that the two sides are seeking to strengthen cooperation against China. Minoru Kihara said last week: "The Philippines is located in a strategically important region, occupies a key position on Japan's sea lanes, and is also an ally of the United States. Joint training and strengthening cooperation with the Philippines are of great significance to the realization of a 'free and open Indo-Pacific region'." Cai Liang said that Japan's intervention in the South China Sea situation is mainly to reduce strategic pressure in the East China Sea and southwest of Japan, but it is not conducive to peace and stability in the South China Sea. It is reported that Japan and the Philippines began negotiations on the agreement in November last year. The signing of the "Reciprocal Access Agreement" by the two sides lays the foundation for the two countries to strengthen bilateral and even multilateral military cooperation in the future. The Japanese government intends to allow the Self-Defense Forces to formally participate in the annual US-Philippines "Shoulder to Shoulder" joint exercises around the Philippines after the agreement comes into effect. The Self-Defense Forces previously participated in the "Shoulder to Shoulder" exercises as observers, and will be able to formally participate after signing the agreement. In April this year, the United States and the Philippines held the largest "Shoulder to Shoulder" exercise to date, involving 5,000 Philippine personnel and 11,000 US personnel. The military exercise also included about 150 Australian military personnel and 100 French naval personnel. According to the plan, 14 countries including Japan and India sent personnel as observers. The "Typhon" medium-range missile launch system deployed by the US military on Luzon Island in the Philippines for the first time participated in the exercise, which aroused great attention from all walks of life. In terms of weapons and equipment exports, Japan and the Philippines have gradually strengthened military cooperation in recent years. The Philippines recently agreed to purchase five Coast Guard patrol ships from Japan to enhance its patrol capabilities in the South China Sea. Defense News reported in November last year that the Philippines had received an early warning radar system from Japan in 2023, the first major equipment transfer since the Japanese government lifted the postwar defense export ban in 2014. The Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that Kamikawa mentioned topics such as defense equipment transfer, "government security capability enhancement support" (OSA), and economic and trade cooperation. The OSA project was created by the Kishida government and plans to allocate billions of yen in budget to assist the military construction of the Philippines and other countries, including providing the Philippines with 5 sets of coastal surveillance radars. Regarding Japan's relaxation of restrictions on defense equipment exports, the Chinese Ministry of Defense previously responded that Japan has continuously broken through the constraints of the "peace constitution" and the principle of "exclusive defense", and has been making small moves in the field of military security, which has aroused high vigilance and strong concern from the international community. China requires Japan to deeply reflect on its history of aggression, attach importance to the security concerns of its Asian neighbors, adhere to the path of peaceful development, and win the trust of its Asian neighbors and the international community with practical actions.

After Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg posted a video on his Facebook and Instagram accounts of his free time during the Independence Day holiday on the X platform, Musk said, "I prefer to work." Zuckerberg posted a video of himself surfing on a hydrofoil in a tuxedo, waving an American flag and drinking a beer, and wrote: "Happy birthday America." The video quickly went viral, and after greg shared it on the X platform, Musk replied: "I hope he continues to have fun on the yacht." I prefer to work." Musk, a workaholic, attended the 29th annual Barron Investment Conference in November 2022, where he said: "My workload went from 78 hours a week to 120 hours a week..." In 2018, he slept on the floor of the Gigafactory in Fremont in an effort to ramp up production of the Tesla Model 3.

US politicians are advocating for steep tariffs, echoing the protectionist Fordney-McCumber Tariff of 1922. Despite potential international retaliation, risks to global economic rules and a shift from post-World War II principles, US politicians have promised to increase trade barriers against China, causing concerns for the sustainability of global economic harmony. A century ago, the Republican Congress passed the Fordney-McCumber Tariff of 1922. This post-World War-I effort to protect the US from German competition and rescue America's own businesses from falling prices sparked a global wave of tariff hikes. While long forgotten, echoes of Fordney-McCumber now reverberate across the US political landscape. Once again, politicians are grasping the tariff as a magic talisman against its own economic ills and to contain the rise of China. The Democratic Party of the 1920s opposed tariffs, because duties are harmful to consumers and farmers, but today both President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump favor national delivery through protectionism. Trump promised that his second term, if elected, would impose 60-percent tariffs on everything arriving from China and 10-percent tariffs on imports from the rest of the world, apparently including the imports covered by 14 free trade agreements with America's 20 partners. He initially promised 100-percent tariffs on electric vehicles (EVs), but when Biden declared that he was hiking tariffs on EVs from China to 100-percent, Trump raised the ante to 200-percent. On May 14, 2024, the White House imposed tariffs ranging from 25 percent (on items such as steel, aluminum and lithium batteries) to 50 percent (semiconductors, solar cells, syringes and needles) and 100 percent (electric vehicles) on Chinese imports. US government officials offer "national security" and "supply chain vulnerability" as the justification for levying high tariffs. To deflect worries about inflation, US Trade Representative Katherine Tai declared, "first of all, I think that that link, in terms of tariffs to prices, has been largely debunked." Contrary findings by the United States International Trade Commission and a number of distinguished economists, as well as Biden's own 2019 statement criticizing Trump's tariffs - "Trump doesn't get the basics. He thinks tariffs are being paid by China… [but] the American people are paying his tariffs" - forced Tai's office to wind back her declaration. The fact that prohibitive barriers to imports of solar cells, batteries and EVs will delay the green economy carries zero political weight with Trump and little with Biden. Nor does either of them worry about the prospects of Chinese retaliation and damage to the fabric of global economic rules. Historical lessons - unanticipated consequences of the foolish Fordney-McCumber Tariff of 1922 and the Smoot-Hawley Tariff of 1930 - are seen as irrelevant by the candidates and their advisers. The US' lurch from its post-World War II free trade principles offers China a golden opportunity. On the world stage, China will espouse open free trade and investment. China will encourage EV and battery firms to establish plants in Europe, Brazil, Mexico and elsewhere, essentially daring the US to damage its own alliances by restricting third country imports containing Chinese components. Whether the fabric of global economic rules that has delivered astounding prosperity to the world will survive through the 21st century remains to be seen. Much will depend on the decisions of other large economic powers, not only China but also the European Union and Japan, as well as middle powers, such as Australia, Brazil, Chile, ASEAN and South Korea. Their actions and reactions will reshape the rules of the 21st century. If others follow America down this costly path, the world will become less prosperous and vastly more unpredictable. If they resist, the US risks being diminished and more isolated. The author is a non-resident Senior Fellow at the Peterson Institute of International Economics. bizopinion@globaltimes.com.cn